Term papers - abortion


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  3. Abortion. A brief summary
  4. Research Papers on Abortion Tell Interesting Facts | isocorad.tk

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Present the moral aspects. Of course, there are many different opinions on this matter. Even so, you can start analyzing the ones that say that it is wrong from a moral point of view, because the child does not have the right to life. On the other hand, this will also affect the life of the mother, so there will be a strong contraction.

As I already sad, try to be objective and to analyze other perspectives, not to emphasize your own.

What is the religious point of view? You probably think that all religions prohibit abortion and consider it similar to a crime. As a matter of fact, there are religions that accept this practice as long as it has a reason. For example, if the mother can not support the child financially or she has a medical condition, the abortion is accepted and not blamed. On the other hand, there are places in the world where a woman can receive death punishment if she makes abortion.

Discuss the medical aspects. Besides the moral arguments, you have to consider how this will affect the mother from medical point of view. I would surely recommend your services to all my friends. But I tried it, and it was successful! I did, and it was great. I like the whole concept of the company!

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The fact is that the more restrictive the law, the more it is flouted, within and across borders. Perhaps most importantly, controlling fertility has become both technically feasible and acceptable in almost all cultures today. Yet despite years of campaigning for safe abortion, the use of contraception has been completely decriminalized while abortion has not.

With each additional ground, moving from ground 1 to 6, the findings show that the number of deaths falls. Countries with almost no deaths from unsafe abortion are those that allow abortion on request without restriction.

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This is proof that that the best way to consign unsafe abortion to history is by removing all legal restrictions and providing universal access to safe abortion. But the question remains, how do we get from where things are now to where they could and should be?

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Attempts to move from almost total criminalization to partial let alone total decriminalization of abortion have been slow and fraught with difficulties. Nevertheless, the need for abortion is one of the defining experiences of having a uterus. Moreover, a growing number of governments, in both the Global North and more recently the Global South, have begun to acknowledge that preventing unsafe abortions is part of their commitment to reducing avoidable maternal deaths and their obligations under international human rights law. While some people still wish that this could be achieved through a higher prevalence of contraceptive use or post-abortion care alone, the facts are against it.

Those facts include both the occurrence of contraceptive failure among those who do use a method and the failure to use contraception, both of which are common events and sexual behaviors. A new layer of involvement in advocacy for safe abortion, based on an analysis of how existing laws affect women and girls and whether they meet international human rights standards, has emerged in recent years. United Nations human rights bodies—including the Human Rights Committee, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, the Committee on Economic, Social and Political Rights, the Working Group on discrimination against women in law and practice, and the Special Rapporteurs on the right to the highest attainable standard of health, the rights of women in Africa, and torture—have played an increasingly visible role in calling for progressive abortion law reform.

The ACHPR called in January for the decriminalization of abortion across Africa, in line with the Maputo Protocol, and renewed that call in January , making waves across the region. Interestingly, no human rights body has gone so far as to call for abortion to be permitted at the request of the woman, yet many have called for abortion to be decriminalized. Do these mean the same thing? In simplistic terms, they might be differentiated like this: legalizing abortion means keeping abortion in the law in some form by identifying the grounds on which it is allowed, while decriminalizing abortion means removing criminal sanctions against abortion altogether.

In that sense, abortion is legal on one or more grounds mostly as exceptions to the law in all but a few countries today, while Canada stands out as the only country to date that, through a Supreme Court decision in , effectively decriminalized abortion altogether. However, this distinction is often not what is meant. Instead, the two terms are used interchangeably—that is, abortion may be legalized or decriminalized on some or all grounds. No one is likely to be able to change this lack of differentiation in terminology.

Nevertheless, it is crucial when recommending abortion law reform to be clear what exactly is and is not intended. I will come back to this later in the paper, after exploring the complexity of the changes being called for, no matter which of the two terms is used. Criminal restrictions on the practice of abortion are contained in statute law—in other words, laws passed by legislatures, sometimes as part of criminal or penal codes, which consolidate a group of criminal statutes. In the UK, for example, abortion was criminalized in sections 58 and 59 of the Offences against the Person Act of , with one aspect further defined in the Infant Life Preservation Act of , and then allowed on certain grounds and conditions in Great Britain but not Northern Ireland in the Abortion Act, which was then amended further in the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act of In the Abortion Act, legal grounds for abortion are set out as exceptions to the criminal law, yet the act is still in force and still being used to prosecute illegal abortions today.

Ireland, formerly a part of the UK, was also subject to the Offences against the Person Act and revoked sections 58—59 only in the Protection of Life during Pregnancy Act of , which imposed its own almost total criminalization of abortion. That act allows abortion on request during the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, and until week 24 in cases of rape, incest, or risk to health of the fetus or the woman or girl, but it was not finally signed into law. The number of countries in that permitted each of these grounds varied greatly by region. A few also allow it to protect existing children or because of contraceptive failure.

Abortion research paper specifics

These percentages, published in , are out of date, but they have not changed dramatically. There is much more to this story, however. In addition to statute law, other ways to liberalize, restrict, or regulate access to abortion, which also have legal standing, include the following:.

Reed Boland has found that the distinction between laws and regulations governing abortion is not always clear and that some countries, usually those where abortion laws are highly restrictive, have issued no regulations at all. In the most complex cases, there are multiple texts over many years which may contain conflicting provisions and obscure and outdated language. Uganda is a case in point. According to a recently published paper by Amanda Cleeve et al. Moreover, while Uganda has a national reproductive health policy, it is not supported in law and is not being implemented. In , in order to clarify this situation, the minister of health and other stakeholders developed Standards and Evidence-based Guidelines on the Prevention of Unsafe Abortion.

These included details of who can provide abortions, and where and how, and assigned health service responsibilities, such as level of care and post-abortion care. However, the guidelines were withdrawn in January due to religious and political opposition. Sometimes, other laws unrelated to abortion create barriers. In Morocco, the abortion law was established in when Morocco was a French protectorate.

Abortion. A brief summary

In India, a very liberal abortion law for its day was passed in , but it has been poorly and unevenly implemented, such that high rates of morbidity and mortality persist to this day. Decent laws and policies can be sabotaged and access to abortion can be restricted without amending the law itself, but instead through policies pressuring women to have more children, public denunciation of abortion by political and religious leaders, or restricting access to services.

In Turkey, for example, in , in response to population growth, the government passed a law allowing fertility regulation, termination of pregnancy on request up to 10 weeks after conception, and sterilization. Since , he has been calling abortion murder, expressing opposition to the provision of abortion services and threatening to restrict the law.

Women protested against these threats in such large numbers in that to date there have been no changes to the law itself. But administrative changes were made in order to make the procedure for booking an appointment for an abortion—which is still primarily provided by gynecologists in hospitals—more difficult. These changes have made it nearly impossible to obtain an abortion in a state hospital; indeed, some state hospitals have stopped providing abortions altogether. Although comparative data are not available, a study found that of state hospitals with departments of obstetrics and gynecology, only 7.

Of the 58 teaching and research hospitals with departments of obstetrics and gynecology, only Overall, 53 of 81 provinces in Turkey did not have a state hospital that provided abortions without restriction as to reason, although this is permitted under the law. Thus, the availability of safe abortion depends not only on permissive legislation but also on a permissive environment, political support, and the ability and willingness of health services and health professionals to make abortion available.

In contrast to Turkey, Ethiopia is an example of the success of that support. In , Ethiopia liberalized its abortion law. Previously, abortion was allowed only to save the life of the woman or protect her physical health. The current law allows abortion in cases of rape, incest, or fetal impairment, as well as if the life or physical health of the woman is in danger, if she has a physical or mental disability, or if she is a minor who is physically or mentally unprepared for childbirth.

Research Papers on Abortion Tell Interesting Facts | isocorad.tk

In , the government published national standards and guidelines on safe abortion that permitted the use of misoprostol, with or without mifepristone, in accordance with WHO guidance. Reasons for not being comfortable were mainly religious, but also included personal values and a lack of training. The study also uncovered a lack of medical equipment and trained personnel, and bureaucratic problems at clinical sites.

Even so, major efforts were and are still being made to improve access at the primary level by constructing more health centers and training more mid-level providers. Between and , the proportion of abortions provided in health facilities almost doubled. While a substantial number of abortions continue to occur outside of health facilities, the proportion is falling, showing that change is possible but also that it takes time. In recent decades in Latin America, a combination of legal reforms, court rulings, and public health guidelines have improved access to safe abortion for women.

In Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, and Costa Rica, higher courts have been instrumental in interpreting the constitutionality and scope of specific grounds for abortion, though their judgments are not always implemented. In countries such as Peru, guidelines issued by hospitals or by governments at federal or state levels govern the enforcement of permitted grounds.

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  • As a result, and thanks to the advent of new technology, women have begun to take matters into their own hands. An uncounted number of women, probably in the millions, has been obtaining and using misoprostol to self-induce abortion widely available for gastric ulcers from a range of sources—pharmacies, websites, black market—since its abortifacient effectiveness was first discovered in the late s. This practice, begun in Brazil, has spread to many other countries and regions.

    In response, legal restrictions and regulations on access to medical abortion pills have been imposed by countries such as Brazil and Egypt in an effort to stop the unstoppable. Moreover, in the past decade, feminist groups have set up safe abortion information hotlines in at least 20 countries, and health professionals are providing information and access to abortion pills via telemedicine, including Women Help Women, Women on Web, safe2choose, the Tabbot Foundation in Australia, and TelAbortion in the United States.

    Health professionals are willing to be involved before and after, but not in the abortion. It can be that simple although it does restrict access to aspiration and surgical methods. While the overall trend globally is toward more progressive laws, some countries where the rightwing has taken power have gone backward.